"I will definitely participate in the elections. I've already decided who I will vote for," said 23-year-old Nelly Galstyan.

"To vote or not... there's no difference. I alone cannot make any changes," replied 67-year-old Greta.

"I won't go to vote. I don't believe in what they say, and I advise everyone to boycott the elections because everybody lies," said 46-year-old Vlad Hagopian.

"I will vote for no one. Elections are a show. Workers vote for the sake of some upper-class people," said 41-year-old Flora Ohanian, in anger.

"I will vote for a neighbor of mine. He's a nice, humble, good-looking guy. He probably needs my vote," said 76-year-old Gena Balian.

The Nagorno Karabagh Republic (NKR) will hold parliamentary elections on June 19. For the first time, the parliament will consist of deputies based on the proportional representation of political parties, as well as directly elected candidates. This provision is based on the new NKR election law, established in December 2004, which formally allows parties to participate in the elections.

Under this system, the new parliament's 33 deputies will include 22 from party lists and 11 who are directly elected.

"We have formed 274 local electoral commissions, and every step has been taken to ensure the elections are conducted according to the law," said Sergei Nassibyan, Chairman of the NKR Central Electoral Commission (CEC). "These commissions, as well as the CEC, each consist of five members, three of whom are appointed by the President and two are appointed by the National Assembly's parliamentary factions."

Eight political parties are competing in the system of proportional representation. These include the "Azat Hayrenik" ("Free Fatherland") party, the "Artsakh Democratic Party (AZhG)," the "Moral Rebirth" party, the NKR Communist Party, the "Our Home is Armenia " party, and the "Social Justice" party, as well as the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF)-"Movement '88" coalition. Those actively carrying out propaganda work are Free Fatherland, AZhG, and the ARF-Movement '88 coalition.

However, the remaining parties may not be considered active participants. For example, it proved impossible to meet with Moral Rebirth chairman Murat Petrosyan, as he had traveled to the US for five days, and there was no one else from the party able to meet with journalists. Instead of an interview, Mr. Petrosyan suggested that Hetq read excerpts from an earlier interview he had given to the press.

Meanwhile, the Communist Party and Social Justice did not even answer phone calls placed to their offices. Meeting with Our Home is Armenia Chairman Ararat Petrosyan was also difficult because the party's offices were always closed, and the office receptionist stated that he was unavailable because he was constantly in meetings with the electorate but could be found out on the streets.

And, in fact, that is what happened: I found Ararat Petrosyan on the street, but he had nothing to say regarding the elections; he showed me his campaign booklets and told me about some election bribes and pressure tactics, then asked that I not publicize them.

The true contest is between "Azat Hayrenik", AZhG, and the ARF-Movement '88 coalition. AZhG-formerly known as the Artsakh Popular Union (ZhAM)-has a five-year history and currently holds a majority in parliament.

"We serve for our country, our people, and democratic and political reforms.'' said AZhG Chairman Ashot Ghulyan and NKR Minister of Education.

The "Azat Hayrenik" party was established in January 2005, but its principles and program hardly differ from AZhG. Other participants in this election say that "Azat Hayrenik" was established, in fact, by the ruling authorities, who understand that AZhG, on its own, will probably not succeed in gaining a majority in the new parliament.

"Azat Hayrenik" was established by a group of intellectuals, and this election will be our first trial," said the party's leader, Artur Tovmasyan. "Our top issue is to reconstitute civil society, and regardless of the outcome, our goal is to bring about free, fair, and transparent elections."

The Movement '88 political movement was established in February 2004. During the local elections of 2004, and despite the efforts of the ruling authorities, they succeeded in electing their chairman, Edik Aghabegyan, as the mayor of Stepanakert.

"That was a major victory," said Movement '88 vice-chairman Gegham Baghdasaryan. "The present authorities discovered that the people don't accept them and didn't elect their candidate. Meanwhile, the people began to feel that their vote actually has value. The people of Stepanakert were freed of the complex that 'it's all the same-the authorities win no matter what you do.'"

"During that election, the only real force was the ARF, and it was the ARF's cooperation that secured our victory. We found that the ARF's goals were very close to ours; the ARF was also struggling for free elections-and thence the coalition was born," Baghdasaryan concluded.

Election Bribery in Karabagh

The parties meet with the electorate, they use paid air-time on TV, and they publish their pre-election platforms and place them in newspapers. And yet, the pre-election "customs" of Armenia have unfortunately infiltrated Karabagh as well, via pressure tactics and various forms of election bribery.

"Whatever they're handing out, I'm taking. Why shouldn't I?" said one woman from the village of Chanakh . "But I'm unable to vote for all of them, so I'll end up voting for one of them."

"Throughout all of Karabagh, they're handing out election bribes-in different forms and sizes," said parliamentary deputy Albert Hambartumyan, who is also an ARF Central Committee member.

"In Hadrut, they're distributing sacks of flour with receipts. If the distributor's favored candidate wins, then the recipient villager doesn't have to pay; if the candidate doesn't win, then they have to return their receipt with payment. They're distributing heating fuel, and there's talk that it comes from the army. We have information that in Jardar, the pro-government candidate has distributed wheat to the electorate," Hambartumyan explained.

While complaints over such violations are common, not one party has appealed officially to the courts or to the CEC, in accordance with the NKR election law. The apparent reason is that citizens who have accepted bribes are fearful of pressure from above and will likely say nothing about what they have received, or from whom. So the political parties say they cannot offer clear proof. Meanwhile, citizens act on the mentality that, "If they're giving it, why not take it?"

"We don't live well, our living standards are poor, and there aren't any jobs. What are we supposed to do when these deputies think of us only around election time?" said Armik, a mother with several children. "If they're giving us something, we're not going to shrink. Why not take something?"

"To date, there have been no election violations recorded. I, too, hear of election bribes, but no one has yet offered any written protest or proof regarding such acts," said CEC Chairman Nassibyan. "And if, on May 9 [Shushi liberation day] or on international children's day, some candidates wish to give something to families of fallen fighters, I don't want to characterize that as bribery; it's something that happens here frequently."

The word on the street in Stepanakert is that graduating 10 th graders held a sumptuous feast in Amaras, for which financial support came from Free Fatherland's leading candidate Arayig Harutyunyan.

"We organized the outing ourselves, the students brought food from home, and each teacher contributed 2000 dram for the occasion," said school principal Mrs. Minasyan. "Arayig Harutyunyan simply provided buses for transportation. And he did so as a benefactor, for the sake of the children. Why does it have to be interpreted as something election-related?"

Despite her repeated assertions, when I asked her if Mr. Harutyunyan provided such assistance every year, she honestly replied, "No."

Other pre-election violations come in the form of administrative pressures placed upon candidates. "One of our party candidates works at Karabakh Telecom. During one of his campaign speeches, he subjected the authorities to sharp criticism, after which he was warned that he'd lose his job if he didn't calm down, and that it would be a good idea for him to resign from the party," Petrosyan commented.

It is clear that Karabagh's ruling authorities are assisting the AZhG in this election. Aram Sarukhanyan, mayor of the village of Nakhijevanik , said that during a meeting of village heads convened by the district governor, attendees were warned that they must support AZhG's candidates. He claimed that during previous such meetings, he was usually complimented for his exemplary work; now, by decision of the district governor, he has been relieved of his post.

The governor's decision is based upon the investigation of the district prosecutor, who has questioned the dealings of a flour mill that Sarukhanyan owns. In his defense, Sarukhanyan said that he is being unfairly treated for expressing his anger over being pressured to support the AZhG candidate, and that this is his punishment.

"I said before, and I'll say again, that I'm simply incapable of lending my voice to their candidate, because at the same time candidacy has been put forth by my [one-time] military commander," Sarukhanyan explained. "I was his soldier, and I cannot go against him now. I'm just a clean, patriotic Karabagh citizen. I simply can't go against my commander, with whom I've fought and defeated our enemy. And for going against the authorities' candidate, I'm now labeled as being anti-republic. Meanwhile, those who pass out bribes... aren't they anti-republic?"

The main electioneering parties each have their own newspaper, and through them they present their campaign issues. "Azat Hayrenik" has its "Agounk" newspaper, AZhG has its "Hairenik" newspaper, and the ARF has its "Abaraj." The so-called "non-partisan" press includes "Azad Artsakh," (a government newspaper) and "Demo," which seeks to present the pre-election environment objectively. The editor of "Demo" Gegham Baghdasaryan-a leader of Movement '88 and a candidate himself- said that the newspaper is trying to maintain its neutral posture.

"At present, I'm not working as editor-that's demanded by law," Baghdasaryan explained. "But all the same, people think I'm playing both sides. On one hand, I try to maintain the paper's neutrality so that it doesn't become partisan. But on the other hand, I live in this republic, and I can't completely disappear and shy away from contact. Our paper prints paid ads, but it also features interviews with candidates of multiple parties; this is not electioneering, but rather, journalism."

"I realize that right now, I'm not doing my job 100 percent, and after the elections I will have to choose-either be a journalist or a politician. In the long run, it won't be possible to maintain both postures, because the reader's confidence toward our newspaper's reliability will diminish," he concluded.

All parties claim that their overriding concern is to strengthen democracy, and that they expect the elections to be fair. In their election platforms, the main difference concerns the negotiated settlement of the Karabagh issue.

"The NKR parliament should, as its first opportunity, delineate our boundaries, then appeal to Armenia and the international community for recognition as a free and independent republic," Hambardzumyan stated. " Armenia should be the first to recognize Karabagh's independence."

"Karabagh should always be with Armenia , at its side," Tovmasyan said. "I see no other path for Karabagh."

"I consider the Karabagh problem solved," Ghulyan said. "Now we must, through international mediators, solve the remaining areas of dispute between Karabagh and Azerbaijan . Our top issue is to gain recognition for Karabagh as a free and independent republic."

Each of the leading parties believes it will carry the day in the upcoming elections. "We will undoubtedly claim the top position, I'm certain," Ghulyan believes. "Of course, all political forces should be represented in parliament in order to create an appropriate political environment, but this doesn't mean all should have equal weight, because all do not have the corresponding political sophistication. In our current situation, it's most appropriate for one party to have control over parliament."

"I believe our party undoubtedly will enter parliament, but I'm ready to enter without a mandate as long as democracy is established within Karabagh," said AZhG Chairman Rudik Hyusnyunts.

"The fairness and transparency of these elections will be determined by the wisdom of the people," Mayor Aghabegyan stated. "Unfortunately, the ruling authorities-who should be the guarantor of fair elections-have done nothing in this regard. All parties should focus their resources on securing fair elections, regardless of the outcome."

Aghabegyan's assertions are countered by those of Ghulyan, who believes that, "the guarantor of free elections is the political atmosphere established during the past five years, when everyone was free not only to speak as he pleased, but to act as he pleased. Our party takes on the responsibility of ensuring fair elections. But other parties with shorter biographies should take on the same responsibility. Securing Karabagh's appraisal before the international community should not be the concern of only one political force."

The leaders of all parties acknowledge that the outside world will attentively follow these elections, and these leaders seem to understand that unfair elections could carry heavy consequences for Karabagh.