The most distinctive feature of Serzh Sargsyan's rule is that he as a leader has done and is doing everything possible for clearingthe political field andgaining visibility. Confrontations and competition aren't for him, as he prefers to play on a chessboard where there are no serious pieces, only hopeless pawnscut off from one other.

No matter how much Tsarukyan remains a faithful servant of the authorities, the withdraw of the Prosperous Armenia Party's leader from the presidential elections was necessary notso much for the party, but for Tsarukyan's personality and reputation, in order to neutralize any theoretical possibilities for competition. No matter how controllable Tsarukyan was, he was perceived as Sargsyan's alternative or rivalby a large spectrum of society. With his presence, the president's role in today's monopoly would not be absolute. And Tsarukyan was easily removed from the field. Now he can at the most be a "Gray cardinal," which always performssecond and third-rate functions.

The other potential alternative is Levon Ter-Petrosyan, who has less public influence but is more charismatic and intellectual. Ter-Petrosyan's problemisn't becoming that alternative, but recoveringthe position that he himself gave up. The government realizes that if Ter-Petrosyan runs for election there will be competition, and Sargsyan will have to compete, which is not part of his chosen, effective strategy as well as his skills. Thus, in order to prevent it, attempts are being made to neutralize Ter-Petrosyan's possible run as well.

The publication of confidential conversations between Armenian National Congress coordinator Levon Zurabyan and Prosperous Armenia Partyvice-president Vardan Oskanianon the Internet is basically a part of this strategy. This poor attempt to reveal Zurabyan's games played with Prosperous Armenia before kin was probably meant to create such an atmosphere of distrust in the Armenian National Congress that Ter-Petrosyan would finally be convinced not to run.

No one can have hope and aspiration for even a minor victory in the presence of a weak and split political team. It is difficult to say how this would affect Ter-Petrosyan's decision. But for twenty years he's had a strong immunity toward such pinches, and hoping that in this way it would be possible to confuse someone who has such political instinct and experience as the first presidentis at very least political short-sightedness.

If Ter-Petrosyan doesn't have deeper analyses and intentions, then he most likely will not run, but it has no connection with the influence of such compromising information. Ter-Petrosyan spent almost all his political capital on fruitless attempts to "train" the Prosperous Armenia Party to be against the government. By putting everything on an already dead playing card he lost the entire game, and the only thing he can think about now is finding a way to exit gracefully. If the government had enough wisdom, in order to finally disable Ter-Petrosyan it would grant that opportunity and let him leave instead of starting a weak and senseless compromising attack on his teammates.

Thus, what are the benefits for him and for society? The government already gets the results of a consistently deserted political and competitive field. Not even marginal, but absolutely apolitical and asocial individualsare making statements about running for president, people who would like to solve their self-expression and self-advertisement issues. Thus, the presidential and electoral institutionshave decided to turn it into a display of "tightrope walking."

Now these "Kintos" claim to become the alternativesto Sargsyan, and that is only natural since no vacuum remains empty. They are just filling that emptinesscreated by the government around itself. It's difficult to say whether Sargsyan will be satisfied while competing with such individuals or be offended. Regardless, he's getting what he sowed in the last years.

But can we blame only Sargsyan for that? Actually, he just used one completely legal strategy, which is effective as it's in demand.The aspiration to become a "client" is more in demand and actual than being a professional politician, demonstrating principles and keepingindependence. Finally, when you know your own "client" well, it's easy to come to an understanding with them. And a qualified minority, which doesn’t demonstrate the desire to "become a client," is off the board.

Society just "wins" the crumbs of these relationships. It's no longer interested whether there's an alternative to Sargsyan, if he is going to run alone or with some buffoons, if the elections will be held in one round or two and so on. The ones who are going to attack polling stations with "mini buses" led by party "Mama Rosas" [female pimps] are always ready to do that. The ones who simply desire to watch another play will comfortably sit in their armchairs. The others, who have dignity, will simply not go to the play called the election, demonstrating their civilian position not only towards the almighty authorities, but also towards the opposition that proved its impotence.

So, we take up building a "safe Armenia" with a universal nihilistic approach, defeatism, and a depressive attitude, from which arises a disgusting feeling of warm Brezhnev "kisses" and the party's stagnating victories.