The heated situation that can to a head on April 9, when several young activists were detained by police  and Heritage Vice-President was handed a good beating by members of the internal security forces, was the product of the ideology of destiny that was simmering in Freedom Square on that day.

From the very moment when Nikol Pashinyan circulated the idea of an alternative inauguration of Raffi Hovannisian, the Barev Revolution was gearing up solely for that day.   What generated all the actions directed at mobilizing   the public and finding common ground for negotiating with the regime was the sole idea of April 9. It was the day of reckoning. As to what would follow, no one wished to depict or formulate until the last moment.

On the other hand, an inauguration envisages civil disobedience. Without it, the inauguration loses its political meaning. Raffi Hovannisian understood this well.

This was the reason that after the oath he declared that he didn’t recognize Serzh Sargsyan and the authority of his regime. It was evident that if this statement, pointing to disobedience, didn’t have no practical manifestation. Hovannisian, at that moment, either directly or indirectly, would have revealed that it all was a political-public relations show. This is why he decided to show that he was the actual president, and that he didn’t recognize Serzh Sargsyan, in the flesh; by making several attempts to head towards Baghramyan Avenue.

These attempts, however, placed the movement in a dead-end. Despite carrying out elements of civil disobedience, that doubtlessly presupposed clashes with the regime, Hovannisian was not ready for such an approach and could not assume full responsibility for such developments – considering the tragic lessons of March 1, 2008 and his own character traits. In other words, Hovannisian found himself in a dead-end situation from which the only exit was to another round of self-sacrifice. Given that the hunger strike, as a method of self-sacrifice was not longer applicable, only one method remained – to get arrested by the police.

That pursued two connected goals. On the one hand, such an arrest would turn into an act of “martyrdom”. Hovannisian was trying to execute a method that had worked for Mahatma Gandhi. Thus, he was attempting to elevate himself into a legend, and by doing so, to inject a new impetus to the movement and to ensure its continuity.

On the other, this meant that Hovannisian, willingly or unwillingly, would be removed from events. Consequently, he would avoid any responsibility from any unforeseen incidents later on – the principle of, “I did my bit, and the rest is up to you”. This could have taken Hovannisian personally out of the dead-end but it’s hard to say what the consequences might have been had the police decided to arrest him; that’s to say if they actually did what Hovannisian had wanted.

But since it never happened, Hovannisian was forced to make concessions. That happened on Proshyan Street, when he failed to break through the police barricade, and later that evening after the rally during the unsanctioned march on Baghramyan Avenue when, yet again confronted by police cordons, he split off from the marchers and, for some unknown reason, made his way to the Genocide Memorial Complex at Tzitzernakaberd with a few handful of people. This happened after negotiating with RA Police Chief Vladimir Gasbaryan. Thus, at that moment, he left the crowd, which was literally ready for anything, to their own devices; face to face with the police.

It’s hard to say what the outcome would have been absent the level-headedness of his supporters who had remained and the very important decision to push back the protestors a few feet from the police line had not been taken. What would Hovannisian have said to justify his totally illogical action if something far worse had transpired?

Later that evening, Hovannisian finally succeeded in reaching his precious Baghramyan 26 and to return to Freedom Square. But what did it all give him and the movement? It’s hard to say. Just like beforehand, no one knew what would follow, now too, against the backdrop of the clashes, no one has the answer to this question.

In reality, the plan that Hovannisian put forth yesterday fell to pieces, and most likely for good. Even if the movement continues under its own steam, which is very vital in terms of continuing the process of reawakening that has begun, it can no longer have any connection with Hovannisian because Hovannisian himself seems intent on cutting that connection.

In the span of one day, all the negative aspects of Hovannisian, the politician, came to the fore – unpredictability, spur of the moment decision-making and only much later grasping the responsibility of those decision, severe emotionalism, unplanned actions, etc.

Earlier that morning, he had declared that he would give a speech regarding future plans later in the evening.

But it turned out that the entire essence of those plans was a march up Baghramyan Avenue, and even that was bowing to the calls of “now, now” emanating from the crowd.

Photo: Raffi Hovannisian and Police Chief Vladimir Gasbaryan walk to Tzitzernakaberd