THOUGHT - AS INTRODUTION 

There is a troubling question. I am often asked that question, and I answer to it as follows: “Of course, I do not regret that for the sake of our independence I have spent my younger years in prisons of Soviet Union and in exile”. And I add, “It was not our choice to struggle for independence. We were chosen by providence. As for the injustice, I am still struggling against it”. 

My answer is quite sincere. But why I fall in mental sufferings when I turn to this issue? I do not think the reason is in me, but in independent Armenia; therefore in me, too. 

UNDER THE SANGUINEOUS FLAG 

A country which had an ideological wall of 10 times more thickness than that of Chinese wall; a country, whose symbol of justice was equality, one of the most evident expressions of world’s injustice and demagogy; a country whose only ideological smithy - “the mind, honor and conscience of the era”, in other words - the Communist Party widely opened its doors to workman and peasant, but subjected an intellectual to suspicion as if a captive saved from captivity. The upper ring of ideological chain of hypocracy of such a country was the thesis of free self-determination of nations adopted by the main law that was talked about with parrot’s logic and responsibility in theSoviet Union. If one tried to believe in that thesis and spoke of implementing it, or if one tried to prove that it was fictive in the Soviet Union and did not exist, they would find themselves in a place where me, and not only me, spent my years.

The Soviet republics having been deceived before were obliged to put aside their past, worship the symbols of Bolshevism, and by all means volunteer to merge with the homogenous mass, and moreover, accept all these as a great privilege. Nearly all those “brotherly” republics had their “dangerous elements” that were flowing upstream the anti-national totalitarian reality. The Soviet state had certain places provided for them; the intellectuals gifted by original thinking and imagination were subjected to accident or “were taken” to psychiatric hospital, and for us who had chosen the political and perhaps quite a legal form of struggle they prepared places of political imprisonment and exile.

And all this was arranged in quite “civilized” state structure that had a life of half a century. 

BEFORE THE INDEPENDENCE 

I have spent most years of imprisonment in the 19^th camp of Mordovia. During those years I have passed through transfers, punishment, hardship, psychological pressure. The system of “political conversion” transferring the “dangerous elements” of Soviet republics to the same punishment places, unwillingly gave us opportunity to get acquainted with each other. The main subjects of our talks were the thoughts of independence and future possible relationships between our independent countries about which we were dreaming. On one hand, the idea of our national liberation sentenced our young bodies to cold and starvation; on the other hand, those hardships avowedly proved the fairness of our struggle. 

It was April 23 of 1975. The council of the day obliged us to hold the anniversary of the Armenian Genocide without any shocking events. That was the reason that KGB officer (Committee of State Security) asked me what I intended to do on April 24. I said that I should spend the day as inArmenia– in mourning and not working. Next day the Ukrainians, the Russians, the Jews and Baltic people joined me in the evening. Among them there were both Orthodox and Catholics. We talked; then we prayed and kept one minute silence in memory of the victims of Armenian Genocide. It was a unique affective cordiality that we tried to preserve in future years. In the camp I really saw the ethnic unity which theSoviet Unionhad been proclaiming.

Unfortunately, some of my ideological companions fell victims in prison. Those who survived and returned from the exile established the committee of protection of political prisoners, which became an international committee.GeorgiaandUkrainebecame the members of the committee; the representative ofGeorgiawas Mehrab Kostanyan, andUkrainewas presented by Vyacheslav Chornovil and Michael Gorin. This served as the basis for preservation of companionship born in the camp. In January of 1988 the representatives of three republics held a meeting inYerevan. In 1990 Vasil Ovsienko and Ivan Sokulski came toArmenia. Then the collapse of theSoviet Unionbegan and all of us began acting in our countries.

Everyone knows that our nation passed through many shocks, difficulties and delights in the movement years. But what we felt was quite different. The historical significance of the moment was especially important for us and personal at the same time as the National United Party had already taken on the dangerous work of saying “no” to the powerful union and revealing the idea of independentArmeniamany years before, in 1996, when many people considered it as useless work. But our work will remain in history as our trump of the struggle against abandoning the nation identity. 

AFTER THE INDEPENDENCE 

Our slogan was “Independence” from the beginning of the movement in 1988. Even the leaders of the movement were criticizing us for expressing the ideas of independence. But the seemingly chaotic political events of the liberation movement of Karabagh led to our independence.Armeniabecame independent and it was high time to put forward the ideological basis of newly independent country that the Armenians who were struggling for independence created at the cost of their life. That would make the past and present unusual political situations coherent for the citizens, and would also create a favorable atmosphere for appreciation which was especially important for the country that had recently gained its independence.

All that time we have been keeping our relationship with the former political prisoners of theSoviet Union. In 2009 I left forKievand invited all of them. It was on August 24, on the day of declaration of independence ofUkrainewhich is considered to be the independence day of the country. During the big festive parade all the former political prisoners of Soviet Ukraine stood on the platform in the square to accept the parade together with the country leaders. Independent Ukraine showed the high culture of assessing human merits not only by that step. All the Ukrainians, subjected to political persecution were excused by the president’s decree. Independent Ukraine has a day of remembrance of victims of political violence. By the decree of president Yushchenko the political prisoners exiled to the camps of Mordovia and Ural were awarded with different orders. Eight of our camp companions were awarded with the title of hero, four of them – posthumously. I read with excitement the text of decision to award my friend Vasil Stus posthumously with the title of hero ofUkraineand state medal of Shevchenko: “For firmness of spirit, devotedly serving toUkraine, for preservation of national identity and expressing high human merits in his works”. The president granted state awards to 150 “former political prisoners of his country for the private investment in the national and state rebirth ofUkraine, for the self-devotion in the liberation struggle for the victory of the idea of national independence, and for activity in social affairs”. The Ukrainians who were members ofHelsinkiagreement of defense received state awards. Soviet political prisoner, bearer of Shevchenko state order - Evgen Sverstyuk, who had twice refused the title of hero ofUkraine, today, at the age of 85, being encouraged by his people and country, continues his national and social activity. This intellectual figure of the struggle for independence is considered to be the conscience ofUkraine. The president of the country visited the apartment of poetess Lina Kostenko to award her with the order of hero ofUkraine. Kostenko expressed her gratitude saying that she did not wear state ornaments. Talking like that she never thought that she might offend the president, and even after that they stayed friends. The range of awards is wide and it is difficult to present all of them. It is noteworthy that in all the texts of handing the state awards former political prisoners are presented as the defenders of law.

Thus,Ukraine’s former president highly assessed the national values and the merits of fighters for independence which was very important to draw the “political route” of the country. Yushchenko also set a high bar of justice in his country: he took part in the presidential elections, and respecting the democratic achievements of his country did not use any state or governmental lever to win in the elections. We should remember the secret of aesthetics of Faulkner’s loss: “Real winners know how to lose”. According to Faulkner, loss is also a victory “which is not celebrated, but accepted as evidence”. Now, what is the secret of missing - if not losing – in assessing human merits in our country which brings forward a lot of problems?

During Soviet years the army of fighters for independence was carefully watching and learning from the Armenian fighters. Ukrainian fighters for independence who received state awards from their country – Stus, Chornovil, Ovsienko, Popadyuk, Shabatura, Kolinets, Kravtsiv, Semenyuk… were the supporting members ofArmenia’s National United Party. We were also in center of Soviet Security’s attention as politically more tempered and “efficient” organization. The flag of independence was first raised inArmenia. Even the violent anti-Soviet Baltic countries learned from us. But, unfortunately, after the collapse of the Soviet Union among the ideological companion countries fighting for independenceArmeniaremained the most Soviet country. It is painful that such incidents are found in our history quite often.

THOUGHT – AS CONCLUSION 

Maybe, it would be better if someone else wrote all about this instead of me because I am a political prisoner of the Soviet period and the reader might not understand my concerns. My concern is not connected with assessing my life. My endowment is gratuitous. The person, who throws himself into the fire, does not think about being burnt, or about receiving “the title of burning man”. The problem is the future of independent Armenia of my dreams, and that future begins with today’s system of values and appreciation, which first of all is more important for the estimator.      

Yesterday, we, the fighters for independence were in the center of attention of Soviet country. That was required by the totalitarian conscience and intelligence of the country. Today, unfortunately, our merits are ignored by our national government, its conscience and intelligence, and this is my concern not for my past, but for the future of my country. 

Razmik Markosyan